An Examination of Suppression and Distortion in 20th-Century Baha'i
Literature
By Vance Salisbury
Piety Hill Press ©
Introduction
While searching for information about the Sufis during the latter part
of the 19th century, British orientalist Edward Granville Browne came
upon an account of Sayyid Ali Muhammad Shirazi, the Bab (Gate), an
obscure Persian prophet who had been martyred in 1850. He was
immediately captivated by the stories of dedication and heroism
displayed by the Bab and his disciples. Browne had hoped to visit
Persia (Iran) for years, but from that point, it was to become a
pilgrimage for the young scholar as he began his quest for the Babis,
the followers of the young prophet. (1)
During his visit to Persia in 1887, Browne discovered that a
considerable amount of change had taken place within the sect and the
vast majority of the Babis had become Baha'is, the disciples of
Baha'u'llah, an early Babi leader who claimed to be the fulfillment of
the Bab's prophecies of a future manifestation of God. A much smaller
rival faction, the Azalis, followed the conservative leadership of
Baha'u'llah's half-brother, Subh-i Azal.
Browne's intensive study of the Babi and Baha'i religions resulted in
the production of a number of extremely important works, as well as a
significant collection of manuscripts from early Babi, Baha'i, Azali,
Islamic, and other contemporary sources. But, after more than two
decades of research, Browne was to conclude that: "...the more the
Baha'i doctrine spreads, especially outside of Persia, and most of all
in Europe and America, the more the true history and nature of the
original Babi movement is obscured and distorted" (2) at the hands of
the historians of the movement. His scholarly interest in Babi and
Baha'i history remained, nonetheless, very sympathetic. To Browne, it
seemed that the study of the movement was invaluable to students of
new religions "because of the light it throws on the genesis and
evolution of other religions." (3)
Following Browne's death in 1926, western scholars virtually ignored
the Babi and Baha'i religions, so the question of suppression and
manipulation of historical materials on the part of the Baha'is was
not pursued. Browne's writings on the subject surfaced occasionally in
the works of Christian polemicists, (4) but no fresh research in this
vein has been carried on until recently. (5) During this period of
silence, Baha'i apologists denied any sort of historical rewriting and
sought to discredit Browne's work by questioning his objectivity and
his motives. (6)
The controversy surrounding Professor Browne and early Baha'i
historians has yet to be resolved and, in fact, can only be approached
by those who are familiar with the history and literature of that
period. (7) During the past fifteen years, a handful of young Baha'i
scholars have examined some of the questions raised by Browne and
other controversial aspects of Babi-Baha'i history, resulting in
studies which are vital to a correct understanding of the subject and
which will undoubtedly contribute a great deal to any future research.
(8) However, at the close of the 20th century, a study of more recent
histories and introductions to the faith by popular Baha'i writers
demonstrates that there are still valid reasons for questioning Baha'i
explanations of Babi doctrines and practices, as well as their
portrayals of early historical events. These modern apologists, faced
with the problem of reconciling the militant messianic nature of their
Babi precursors and the pacifist ideals of modern Baha'ism, continue
to distort the character of the Babi religion in order to make it more
palatable to the modern truth-seeker. But, beyond this reconstruction
of Babism to fit into a contemporary Baha'i historical framework, a
survey of a number of books reveals that the Baha'i Administration
has, during this century, pursued a course of revision, suppression,
and censorship of writings which do not conform to current standards
of orthodoxy. Therefore, an examination is in order to determine the
nature and the scope of this tendency within the Baha'i Faith, which
Browne brought to light nearly a century ago.
The Redefinition of Babism
According to Baha'i authors, the Bab is considered to have been a
prophet or major manifestation of God and the author of his own
distinct religion. But, he is also portrayed as the one who was to
prepare the way for the fuller and more recent manifestation of God in
Baha'u'llah, as John the Baptist heralded the revelation of Jesus
Christ. (9) In his chronicle, God Passes By, Shoghi Effendi, the
grandson of Baha'u'llah and first Guardian of the Faith, merged the
religion of the Bab with that of Baha'u'llah in such a way that the
Babis are no longer perceived as a distinct religious movement, but as
participants in the "Heroic" stage of "the first century of the Baha'i
era." (10) Because of this tendency to synthesize or conflate the two
religions into one, (11) Baha'i authors often ignore or distort Babi
concepts and conduct which are at odds with the teachings of
Baha'u'llah or the practice of the modern Baha'i community. One
example of this problem is the treatment of the Bab's doctrine of Holy
War or jihad and the Babi involvement in armed conflicts with
civilians and state troops in Persia (Iran) between the years 1848 and
1850.
Holy War and the Babi Uprising at Shaykh Tabarsi
The Baha'i attitude towards Holy War, whether offensive or defensive,
is best summed up by Baha'u'llah's son, Abdu'l-Baha, who attributed
this declaration to his father:"...that the promulgation of the truth
by such means [the sword] must on no account be allowed, even for the
purposes of self-defense. He abrogated the rule of the sword and
annulled the ordinance of 'Holy War.'" (12) This stands in contrast to
the writings of the Bab which outline in some detail the waging of
Holy War in order to promulgate the cause of his religion and which,
toward the end of his life, took on a very hostile tone towards anyone
who would not recognize his messianic claims . (13) This incongruity
on the part of the "Co Founders" of the Baha'i religion (14) has
caused apologists considerable difficulty in relating modern Baha'i
beliefs to the writings of the Bab on the subject of Holy War, as well
as providing their readers with objective accounts of the violent
clashes involving the Babis and government soldiers.
In their book The Baha'i Faith: The Emerging Global Religion, Baha'i
authors William Hatcher and J. Douglas Martin display this tendency to
redefine the Bab's concept of Holy War and to minimize the role of
armed conflict in advancing his religious claims. In spite of the fact
that their book is promoted as "the most balanced and detailed
examination of Baha'i belief to date" and as a textbook for
undergraduate studies, (15) their treatment of Babism demonstrates
that the authors have not supplied the reader with any original
research on the subject, but are essentially paraphrasing traditional
Baha'i histories. (16)
Concerning the Bab and Holy War, Hatcher and Martin write:
Raised in this Muslim value system, the Babis felt fully justified
in defending themselves and their families against the attacks of the
mullas. Some may have expected the Bab would reveal his own doctrine
of jihad. If so, they were disappointed. In the Qayyumu'l-Asma the Bab
reviewed in detail the basic principles of the Quranic concept of
jihad and called upon his followers to observe this governing order of
the society in which they lived. Attacks on Muslims, as one of the
peoples of the book, were therefore prohibited to them. (17)
In this brief quotation Hatcher and Martin state that the Bab did not
develop his own unique doctrine of jihad and infer that Babis only
resorted to defending themselves in the context of unprovoked
religious persecution. While it is true that the Bab's treatment of
Holy War in the Qayyumu'l-Asma reflects an orthodox Islamic
understanding of the doctrine, it should be noted that this was the
Bab's first major work. (18) He did, in later works, abrogate Islamic
law and expound his own doctrine of jihad , which allowed the waging
of Holy War on any non-Babi. Denis MacEoin explains:
....the Haykal al-din , [is] an extremely late work which
effectively represents the Bab's final thoughts on these matters...
Jihad it would seem, could be waged against any group who did not
believe in the Bayan [the Bab's crowning revelation]; the questions of
unbelief, Islam, faith, dissidence, and so forth no longer apply here
since the entire non-Babi world is now the "realm of unbelief." In the
Haykal al-din , the Babi monarch of the future is exhorted "not to
leave upon the earth, if possible, anyone save the Babis," while in
the Dala'il-i saba , written in Maku, the Bab states with regard to
the Jews and Christians that "unless a powerful king shall cause them
to enter the faith of God, there shall be no way for their salvation."
The Shi'i population of Iran was now regarded as subject to the decree
of holy war...We see, then, that the Bab had, by the end of his short
life, moved beyond even the harshest Islamic measures against
unbelievers. (19)
Hatcher and Martin seek to minimize the presence of the jihad doctrine
within the Bab's writings, concluding their discussion of the subject
by stating that, "When the Bayan ... was subsequently revealed, no
jihad doctrine was included." (20) While the Bayan does not treat the
doctrine in detail, there are a number of passages which assume that
Holy War will be fought. (21) In fact, Abdu'l-Baha recognized that
"'the decree of the Bayan was the striking of necks, the burning of
books and papers, the destruction of shrines, and the universal
slaughter of all save those who believed and were faithful.'" (22)
Baha'i sociologist Peter Smith affirms that, "...the Bab detailed [in
the Bayan ] specific Babi forms of ritual prayer (salat ), pilgrimage
(hajj ), and holy war (jihad )." (23) Hatcher and Martin's distorted
picture of the Babi notion of jihad sets the stage for their account
of the clash between an armed Babi force and government troops during
1848 and 1849, at the shrine of Shaykh Tabarsi.
By playing down Babi militancy on one hand and, on the other hand,
describing a "period of political upheaval" in which members of the
Muslim clergy were free to incite persecution against the Babis, they
prepare the reader for their version of the siege at Shaykh Tabarsi.
(24) But, before considering their account in detail, it would be
helpful at this point to outline some basic, non-controversial facts.
On July 21, 1848, a group of about 300 Babis under the leadership of
Mulla Husayn Bushrui left the Persian province of Khurasan and headed
west into the province of Mazandaran. On the outskirts of the town of
Barfurush, the Babis were attacked by a mob, with several Babis being
killed or wounded. The Babis responded to the attack and killed over
one hundred of the townspeople. The Babi force continued their march
through the forests of Mazandaran until they reached the shrine of
Shaykh Tabarsi, where they immediately built fortifications and
prepared for a siege. Within months, state troops were sent to subdue
the Babis and several battles were fought over a period of about seven
months, with the Babis inflicting heavy losses. After suffering many
casualties by constant bombardment and skirmishes with the government
army, and with supplies of food and water cut off, the Babis were
forced to accept a truce which was immediately broken, resulting in
the massacre or enslavement of all the Babi participants.
This was one of the most critical events in the brief history of the
Babi movement, but because of Baha'i emphasis on the unification of
humankind and the promotion of world peace, (25) it is not surprising
that introductions to the faith by such modern Baha'i writers as
Esselmont, Faizi, and Gaver fail to even mention the incident at
Shaykh Tabarsi. (26) Other writers briefly refer to the event as an
example of unprovoked persecution. (27) Hatcher and Martin devote only
two paragraphs to the event in their introduction, but their account
is useful because it reflects popular Baha'i notions concerning this
and other instances of Babi militancy. Hatcher and Martin describe the
incident in these words:
In the province of Mazindaran, a group of some three hundred
Babis, under the leadership of Mulla Husayn and the Bab's leading
disciple, a young man named Quddus ( who had accompanied the Bab on
his pilgrimage to Mecca ), found themselves besieged in a small
fortress which they had hastily erected at the isolated shrine
dedicated to a Muslim saint, Shaykh Tabarsi. They had enthusiastically
swept through the province proclaiming that the promised Qaim had
appeared, and called upon all who heard them to arise and follow...The
siege at the fort turned, however, into an occasion of humiliation for
the opponents of the Babis. Over the following year, one army after
another, numbering finally thousands of men, was sent to overcome the
few hundred defenders of the fort, and all in turn suffered decisive
defeat. Eventually, the small garrison...was enticed to surrender
under a solemn promise...However, no sooner did they leave the
protection of the fortress than they were set upon by their besiegers.
(28)
To the uniformed reader, this account would appear to represent a case
of religious persecution. The authors would have us believe that the
Babis were merely an enthusiastic group of evangelists, travelling
throughout the countryside proclaiming the advent of the Bab as the
the Promised One (Qa'im). It is also inferred that the Babis had not
considered the possibility of a violent altercation and were surprised
when attacked by a hostile force and "found themselves besieged in a
small fortress which they had hastily erected..." (29) This carefully
worded recital paints a superficial and simplistic picture of an
incident which can only be understood within the context of the
messianic Shi'i Islam of 19th century Persia . A closer examination
indicates that the Babi participants in the actions at Shaykh Tabarsi
did not perceive themselves as peace-loving missionaries, being
persecuted for their faith, but as actors in a grand eschatological
drama, ushering in a new dispensation. Peter Smith explains:
At their [the Babis] centre was a large group of highly motivated
clerics and theological students. For such men as these, schooled in
the subtleties of Shaykhi esotericism and steeped in the Shi'i
traditions of martyrdom and sacrifice, armed struggle appears to have
assumed a complex symbolic role, beside the attainment of any more
'realistic' objectives. The ideal of the Imam Husayn's struggle and
martyrdom at Karbala provided a paradigm for their actions. Fighting a
defensive jihad against the forces of unbelief, the defenders gave
testimony to God's truth, both by the dispatch of their opponents 'to
hell' and by their own martyrdoms. (30)
As pointed out earlier, the Bab did develop his own doctrine of jihad,
but it was certainly not one of his most prominent teachings. At this
time there is no conclusive evidence that he gave his followers an
explicit command to wage Holy War in Mazandaran and it is unlikely
that such was the case. Throughout the Bab's brief career, he had
consistently taken a course of prudence and moderation, while some of
his most influential disciples continued to move in a more radical and
confrontational direction. However, by 1848 the Bab recognized the
inevitability of the fitna or the final conflagration in which he and
his followers would suffer martyrdom. His increasingly bitter attitude
toward the State, his angry denunciations of the political and
religious authorities, his explicit claims to Mahdihood, and his dire
predictions of the events which would accompany the Day of
Resurrection encouraged the mobilization of Babi forces in the
province. (31) The moment the Bab instructed Mulla Husayn to unfurl
the Black Standard and move westward out of Khurasan, he made a
messianic claim which challenged the legitimacy of both the religious
and secular rulers of Persia and he gave his followers an unmistakable
call to arms. (32) In Shi'i tradition, the Black Standard is the
symbol of the advent of the Imam Mahdi or the Guided One, who will
lead his chosen ones in the final jihad before the Day of Judgement.
At that time, the Imam Mahdi is to take control of all ecclesiastical
authority and to call upon the secular rulers to assist him in
ushering in a Golden Age which would witness the return of the Imam
Husayn, Christ, and other Imams. (33) There was no doubt in the mind
of Mulla Husayn that this action would provoke a violent response. As
the Babi force travelled toward Mazandaran, he spoke of their
destination as "Karbala," the site of the martyrdom of Imam Husayn,
and proclaimed, "I, together with my seventy-two companions, shall
suffer death for the sake of the Well Beloved [the Bab]. Whoso is
unable to renounce the world, let him now, at this very moment,
depart, for later on he will be unable to escape." (34) Beyond making
provocative claims, the Babi force was also armed which, according to
the Bayan, was only lawful during jihad and at the Bab's command. (35)
Faced with the presence of a large group of armed men approaching
under the Black Standard, it is not surprising that the people of
Mazandaran would react in a violent fashion.
After the initial clash with the people of Barfurush, the Babis did
not withdraw or disband to avoid further bloodshed, but continued to
the shrine of Shaykh Tabarsi, calling on people to join them under the
banner of the Imam Mahdi. (36) Months later, when hostilities with the
Shah's troops commenced, the Babi defenders fought heroically,
attacking and routing one army after another with the shout "O Master
of the Age." But, contrary to the representations of Baha'i writers,
the Babis went beyond a purely defensive action, often attacking the
royalist troops, sacking neighboring villages and committing numerous
atrocities against both soldiers and non-combatants. At one point, the
Babis severed the heads of their enemies and mounted them on poles
around the fort. (37) During the siege, Babi leaders continually cited
Shi'i traditions concerning the coming of the Mahdi, infusing the
fighters with the idea that they were participants in the final battle
which would wipe unbelief off of the face of the earth and usher in
the New Day . (38) The Babis, at least one third of whom were
religious leaders or theological students, (39) certainly understood
the significance of these eschatological references and they
demonstrated by their actions during this episode that they were, in
fact, engaged in Holy War.
In spite of the Bab's relatively moderate behavior, the political and
religious climate in Persia; the nature of his claims; and the radical
ideals of some his leading disciples, set the Babis on an irreversible
course to armed conflict and, as many of them surely understood,
martyrdom for the Cause of God. Although the Bab did not call for a
Holy War, the doctrinal confusion which permeated the Babi ranks
coupled with the pervasive ideals of jihad and martyrdom were major
factors in the events which culminated at Shaykh Tabarsi.
It seems clear that, in the case of jihad and Babi militancy, modern
Baha'i writers have sought to suppress or distort historical facts in
an attempt to portray the Babi religion in a way which is more
acceptable to the Western mind. Although we may see the Babis as
misguided and perhaps even fanatical in their zeal for martyrdom, the
Bab and his followers, in their time and place, were in fact, men and
women who were alarmed by the material and moral corruption which had
come to characterize Persia in the mid-nineteenth century. Devotion to
their God and their determination to overcome the evil which
surrounded them is a story of courage and dedication which is seldom
told. But, as long as Baha'i writers continue to view Babi history as
the earliest stage of the Baha'i revelation, rather than as a distinct
religious movement, they will be unable to present an accurate
historical account to their readers.
Revision, Censorship, and Suppression in Modern Baha'i Literature
While Babi-Baha'i history suffers a kind of distortion at the hands of
Baha'i authors which is rather subtle, a more direct approach is taken
by the Baha'i Administration and publishers, through revision of
previously printed materials and by a review process of future
publications. This ongoing policy of updating earlier writings and
regulating works by Baha'is, whether for publication in Baha'i organs
or otherwise, is intended to preserve doctrinal purity and to
"'present a true picture of the Faith to the general public...'" (40)
Justification for such practices have generally centered on the need
to correct minor errors and update statistics. (41) Or, in the case of
the review process, to ensure some standard of academic quality. (42)
However, the evidence suggests that the the primary concerns are the
promotion of a consistent picture of Baha'i history and dogma, the
blotting out of references to failed predictions and promises, and the
diversion of readers from differing or hostile points of view.
1. Posthumous Additions, Deletions, and Suppression in Popular Baha'i
Books
During the first half of this century, English speaking Baha'is who
were interested in the history of the movement generally came to rely
upon the works of E.G Browne because, not only were they scholarly,
reasonably sympathetic, and the most accurate sources at that time,
but because they were essentially the only English language sources
available which treated the subject in any depth. Therefore, Browne's
works were cited quite frequently in a number of books by popular
Baha'i authors. But, as time passed, Browne's materials began to be
replaced by the hagiographical works, God Passes By and The
Dawnbreakers; the former being a survey of the first hundred years of
the movement by Shoghi Effendi, while The Dawnbreakers is a
translation of an early history by Nabil Zarandi, a partisan of
Baha'u'llah. (43) Browne's comments which cast the Baha'i faith in a
favorable light still appear in Baha'i books, but his opinions on the
origins and evolution of the faith have become quite unwelcome in
recent years. (44)
Evidence of attempts on the part of Baha'is to divert readers from
Browne's contributions to Babi and Baha'i history can be seen by
comparing original and later editions of All Things Made New by John
Ferraby. Ferraby, who served as the National Secretary of the British
Baha'i community and who was appointed a "Hand of the Cause" in 1957,
penned an introduction to the faith which was published that same
year. The original edition contains a list of references, as well as a
list of abbreviations of "Baha'i Books Referred To." (45) Browne's
Materials for the Study of the Babi Religion and his translation of A
Traveller's Narrative , with notes, both appear in these lists, but
have been removed from the 1987 edition, which was revised
posthumously. Further, Browne's writings are still included in the
text of the book, but the references have been changed so that they no
longer direct the reader to the primary source, but to Baha'i books
which contain the same quotations, as well material which is critical
of Browne. (46) Apparently, the editors wish to make use of the
scholar's favorable comments, but refer their readers to books which
question Browne's value as an authority on the subject and which may
neutralize potential problems which could result from consultation of
his more critical writings. (47)
Another case of suppression involves John E. Esselmont's use of
materials by the former Baha'i historian Abdu'l-Husayn Ayati, named
Avarih or Wanderer by Abdu'l-Baha. Avarih was also a "Hand of the
Cause" who was commissioned by Abdu'l-Baha to write a history of the
Baha'i Faith in Persian, which was published in 1923 and 1924. After
completing a missionary journey to Europe, Avarih lost faith in the
Cause and was subsequently declared a Covenant-breaker by Shoghi
Effendi. (48) Covenant-breakers are those who have accepted
Baha'u'llah as a Manifestation of God, but have later apostatized and
opposed Baha'u'llah, his successors, or Baha'i institutions. Faithful
members are instructed to shun entirely those who have rebelled
against the Cause of God and, although not explicitly commanded, the
reading of material written by Covenant-breakers is discouraged as
well. (49) In the original edition of Baha'u'llah and the New Era,
Esselmont expressed his gratitude to Avarih for his assistance in the
preparation of the book and referred to him as "the learned Persian
historian of the Baha'i movement." (50) In later editions, this
acknowledgement has been removed from the preface without any
notation. (51) Avarih was quoted five times in the original edition to
shed additional light on certain events. Two of these quotations were
dropped completely from the text of the 1980 edition, but the other
three were retained entirely. However, in one note, Avarih's name has
disappeared and there is no reference to any source. (52) In another
he is quoted, but his name has been substituted by the words "On this
point a historian remarks." (53) And finally, Esselmont included an
account of the marriage of Abdu'l-Baha which was "kindly supplied to
the writer by Janab-i-Avarih," but the 1980 edition refers only to "a
Persian historian of the Baha'i Faith." (54)
Actually, these are but a few of the many changes which were
originally made in the 1937 revision of the Baha'u'llah and the New
Era by "the American National Spiritual Assembly, acting under the
advice and approval of Shoghi Effendi." The preface to the 1937
edition states that the revision was necessary to correct "a few
errors of fact," to update Esselmont's explanations of the stations of
Abdu'l-Baha and the Bab, and to remove his treatments of issues which
are no longer relevant to the Faith. It is further stated that "these
revisions in no respect alter the original plan of Dr. Esselmont's
book, nor effect the major portion of his text." (55) These
assertions, however, are misleading. In fact, there have been over
forty changes, some of which include entire sections or paragraphs
totaling hundreds of words. And, some of the revisions do "alter the
original plan of Dr. Esselmont's book." This is certainly the case in
the removal of Esselmont's eyewitness accounts of discourses by Abdu'l-
Baha.
Like many of the early Western believers, Esselmont was captivated by
and completely devoted to his Master, Abdu'l-Baha. After corresponding
with him, Esselmont received an invitation to come to Haifa in 1919,
where he spent over two months as his guest. During this period, the
two discussed the manuscript of Baha'u'llah and the New Era and
"several valuable suggestions" were made. (56) In the 1923 edition,
Esselmont included a number of statements by Abdu'l-Baha which he had
personally heard and recorded. In spite of the value which these
firsthand accounts contribute to our understanding of Abdu'l-Baha and
the perceptions of early believers, some of them have been removed
from later editions without any notation. (57) For example, on page
123, Abdu'l-Baha advocated, in detail, a constitutional form of
monarchy over a republican form of government as practiced in the
United States. This was included in Esselmont's chapter titled "True
Civilization," to illustrate the type of government which Baha'u'llah
counseled nations to adopt until the next Manifestation of God
appears. In later editions Esselmont's words have been replaced with
nearly three pages of new material speaking merely of the fact that
there will be different types of governments during the "Lesser Peace"
and the "Most Great Peace." Although Abdu'l-Baha was quite specific,
these later accretions are vague and give no clear illustration of
what type of rule Baha'u'llah would have nations adopt. (58)
Perhaps the most important change in Baha'u'llah and the New Era was
made on page 212 of the 1923 edition. Recorded as a Baha'i prophecy
(59) concerning the "Coming of the Kingdom of God," Esselmont cited
Abdu'l-Baha's interpretation of the last two verses of the Book of
Daniel from the Bible. He stated that the 1335 days spoken of by
Daniel represented 1335 solar years from Muhammad's flight to Medina
in 622 A.D., which would equal 1957 A.D.. When asked "'What shall we
see at the end of the 1335 days?'," Abdu'l-Baha's reply was:
"'Universal Peace will be firmly established, a Universal language
promoted. Misunderstandings will pass away. The Baha'i Cause will be
promulgated in all parts and the oneness of mankind established. It
will be most glorious!'" (60) In editions published after his death,
Esselmont's words have been changed to say that Abdu'l-Baha "reckoned
the fulfillment of Daniel's prophecy from the date of the beginning of
the Muhammadan era " (61) and one of Abdu'l-Baha's Tablets is quoted
on the same subject in which he writes, "'For according to this
calculation a century will have elapsed from the dawn of the Sun of
Truth....'" Esselmont appears to conclude that Abdu'l-Baha was
referring to the year 1963 and the one hundredth anniversary of
Baha'u'llah's public claim to be a Manifestation of God. (62) These
words, however, were never written by the author, but were added
posthumously. And, it should be noted that the phrase "'the dawn of
the Sun of Truth'" is not a reference to a particular year, in this
case 1863, but to a period of years when the Bab and his followers
were preparing the way for the Manifestation of Baha'u'llah. Hence,
they are commonly referred to as the "Dawn-Breakers." (63) Further, in
another quotation which originally appeared on the same page, but was
also removed from later editions, Abdu'l-Baha plainly stated, "' This
is the Century of the Sun of Truth. This is the Century of the
establishment of the Kingdom of God upon the earth.'" (64) Esselmont
recorded Abdu'l-Baha as declaring explicitly that the prophecy was to
be computed from the Hijra or 622 A.D. and that specific conditions
would exist in the world upon it's fulfillment in 1957. When it became
apparent that this Baha'i prophecy would not be fulfilled, it was
replaced with the ambiguous material which has remained in the text to
the present. This is evident from the fact that, although Esselmont's
other eyewitness accounts were removed in the 1937 revision, the
record of Abdu'l-Baha's prophecy was left intact by the American
National Spiritual Assembly and Shoghi Effendi. It was not changed
until after 1957. (65) Also, Abdu'l-Baha's conviction that all of
these events would take place in this century have been expressed in
other writings and it is evident that Shoghi Effendi shared his
optimism as well. (66)
Upon an examination of revisions in recent Baha'i literature, it seems
that the institution of the Guardian of the Cause of God has been the
subject of the most widespread bowdlerization of texts. The office of
the Guardian was first established by Abdu'l-Baha in his Will and
Testament. Shoghi Effendi, his eldest grandson, was named as the first
in a succession of hereditary Guardians. The Guardian is the
authoritative interpreter of the holy writings and the permanent head
of the Universal House of Justice, the supreme administrative body
which was referred to by Baha'u'llah in his Kitab-i-Aqdas. Through the
Guardianship, the Cause of God is believed to be safeguarded from
schism, because he is to be under the protection and infallible
guidance of Baha'u'llah and the Bab. (67) However, the Baha'i world
was thrown into confusion when Shoghi Effendi died suddenly on
November 4, 1957. He had left no Will or instructions, and he had
named no successor. Since all of Baha'u'llah's living male descendents
had been declared Covenant-breakers by Shoghi Effendi, the Hands of
the Cause of God assumed authority over the entire Baha'i community.
The Hands were a group of leading Baha'is who had been chosen in
accordance with Abdu'l-Baha's Will and had been named "the Chief
Stewards of Baha'u'llah's embryonic World Commonwealth" by Shoghi
Effendi, shortly before his death. The Hands of the Cause moved the
community in a direction which culminated in the election of the
Universal House of Justice. This was accomplished with surprisingly
little opposition or schism. (68)
Changes in books written prior to 1957 indicate that the failure of
what was to be a perpetual, divinely ordained and protected
institution became a delicate subject with the Baha'i Administration.
But, it should be pointed out that, although there have been numerous
revisions, there are still books which have not been changed at all.
So, there does not appear to be a conspiracy or systematic program to
eradicate the notion of a continuous Guardianship. However, the books
which have been substantially reworked are popular introductions and
histories, often used for propagating the Faith.
John Ferraby's All Things Made New is second only to Baha'u'llah and
the New Era in the number of textual changes. The original edition,
first published in 1957, was dedicated "To Shoghi Effendi: The First
Guardian of the Baha'i Faith." (69) In the 1987 edition the dedication
is "To Shoghi Effendi: The Guardian of the Baha'i Faith," implying
that there was to be only one Guardian. (70) Ferraby originally stated
that, "Abdu'l-Baha, in his turn, arranged that the Cause would still
have a visible Centre after His passing, by providing for a succession
of Guardians of the Cause of God to follow him." He then included over
two hundred words from Abdu'l-Baha's Will to explain the importance of
the perpetual Guardianship and how successors are to be chosen. (71)
This entire section has been rewritten in later editions, stating that
Abdu'l-Baha's Will only provided for "the possibility of a succession
of Guardians..." And, the portions of Abdu'l-Baha's Will have been
replaced with the statement,"Although there could have been a series
of Guardians, there is nowhere in the writings any promise or
guarantee that the line of Guardians would not be broken but would
endure forever." (72)
But, there were others who were also convinced that the institution of
the Guardianship would continue. George Townshend, another Hand of the
Cause, wrote that,"When it is written that 'the government shall be
upon his shoulder' the reference can be to the Guardian only and the
continuing 'forever' of his sovereignty can only be referred to the
lineage of succeeding Guardians." (73) In later editions, Townshend's
interpretation of this passage from the Biblical book of Isaiah which
he said could only apply to the Guardian has been changed to refer to
"the devolution by Baha'u'llah of supreme authority upon his divinely
guided institutions..." (74) Shoghi Effendi's wife Ruhiyyih Rabbani
was convinced that her husband was the first in a line of Guardians.
In a book which is no longer in print, she argued that: "The principle
of successorship, endowed with the right of Divine interpretation, is
the very hub of the Cause into which its Doctrines and Laws fit like
the spokes of a wheel - tear out the hub and you have to throw the
whole thing away." (75)
Finally, it is important to consider Shoghi Effendi's understanding of
the nature of the Guardianship. He was probably more familiar with his
grandfather's Will than anyone and he is believed to have been endowed
with divine inspiration to make authoritative interpretations of the
Writings. (76) The original edition of The Selected Writings of Shoghi
Effendi included numerous references to the institution of the
Guardianship and its inspired origin, its perpetual nature, and its
absolute centrality to the Covenant. This collection of his writings
opened with a large extract from the Will and Testament of Abdu'l-Baha
which could best be summed up as an appeal to the believers to be
"firm in the Covenant" and follow the divine guidance which can only
be found in the Cause of God. In the 1975 edition most of the text of
this appeal has been removed, except for two paragraphs which promised
that the Twin Pillars of the Guardianship and the Universal House of
Justice are under the guidance and protection of Baha'u'llah and the
Bab. However, the phrase "...and after him will succeed the first-born
of his lineal descendants" no longer appears at the end of the
paragraph concerning the Guardian. (77) Two complete pages have been
removed from the original edition without notation, including this
explicit statement:
Divorced from the institution of the Guardianship the World Order
of Baha'u'llah would be mutilated and permanently deprived of that
hereditary principle which, as Abdu'l-Baha has written, has been
invariably upheld by the Law of God. 'In all Divine Dispensations,' He
states, in a Tablet addressed to a follower of the Faith in Persia,
'the eldest son hath been given extraordinary distinctions. Even the
station of prophet hood hath been his birthright.' Without such an
institution the integrity of the Faith would be imperilled, and the
stability of the entire fabric would be gravely endangered. (78)
2. Literature Review
"The purpose of review is to ensure that minimal standards of
accuracy, conformity with the Teachings, and dignity of presentation
of the Faith are maintained in works that present the Baha'i Faith to
the public." This is, according to the Research Office at the Baha'i
National Center in Wilmette, Illinois, the primary function of the
review process. Review was established by Abdu'l-Baha early in this
century, at a time when the Baha'i Faith was quite new and was
spreading rapidly westward. It is considered to be necessary only
until the time when the Faith is well known throughout the world and
the danger of misrepresentation, whether innocently or intentionally,
by individuals has past. (79) Every Baha'i must submit his or her work
to a review committee if it is to be published and if the Baha'i Faith
is to be treated to any degree within the work. (80)
The main task of the reviewers is to ensure that the author, in
stating his or her views, has not contradicted or misrepresented the
teachings of Baha'u'llah, Abdu'l-Baha, Shoghi Effendi or the Universal
House of Justice. Another very important role which the review
committee plays is to see that publications are "timely." This means
that manuscripts must not be passed if they contain information which
"could give rise to serious problems for the Cause" or which could
endanger the lives of Baha'is in repressive nations. Such is the case
in modern Iran, where specific information could result in persecution
or even death for faithful Baha'is. (81)
Although review is considered a necessity within the community,
reviewers are to be concerned with the rights of individuals to
express themselves freely and to engage in thoughtful dialogue and
exchange of ideas. As manuscripts are reviewed, suggestions are made
to the author to correct contradictions, misinterpretations, or
speculations. After making the suggested changes, the work is passed
for publication. In some cases, however, manuscripts may be completely
rejected because they have major problems. Reviews may be appealed,
but if a writer insists on publishing an article or book which has not
been passed, he or she faces the possibility of excommunication or
loss of administrative rights. (82)
Many of the concerns which have been addressed through the review
process are very real indeed and it is based upon some practical and
constructive principles. However, there is a danger that review can be
used to stifle individuals or ideas which are perceived as threatening
to traditional institutions. Or, it may be used to suppress works
which challenge established assumptions concerning the Faith. It is
precisely this negative potential inherent in the process which has
been the focus of recent criticism, particularly from the academic
community. Scholars within the Faith are faced with the momentous task
of carrying on accurate and objective research, which may then be
subjected to review by committee members who are not qualified to
assess the true value and reliability of their work. And, any attempt
to critique, reform, or discontinue literature review, may very well
be suppressed through the very process which they seek to change. (83)
At least once in recent years, an historical manuscript has been
subjected to censorship through review, lending credibility to the
criticism of scholars in the field of Babi-Baha'i history. In 1982,
Kalimat Press published My Memories of Baha'u'llah, (84) a translation
of the memoirs of one of Baha'u'llah's personal servants. The
manuscript was reviewed before publication and it was decided that
some of "'the most harmful'" material should be removed from text.
(85)When the book was finally published, a number of the required
changes had not been made, so it was decided that future publications
by Kalimat Press would be reviewed by Baha'i authorities at the World
Center in Haifa, Israel. (86) This incident demonstrated that review
not only has the potential, but has in at least one case, been used to
paint a more favorable picture of Baha'i history by suppressing
"harmful" portions of an historical document.
Conclusion
Professor Browne's observation that "the more the Baha'i doctrine
spreads...the more ...the original Babi movement is obscured and
distorted," cannot be taken too literally, but it is quite certain
from the foregoing examination that Baha'i institutions and Baha'i
authors have continued to rewrite history up to the present time.
Popular writers, such as Hatcher and Martin, have distorted the
history of the movement by producing pious, inaccurate records which
rely heavily upon orthodox works, while virtually ignoring important
research by both Baha'i and non-Baha'i scholars. Through the
questionable practice of revising previously published books, the
views of deceased authors have been corrected and brought into
conformity with modern perceptions and dogma. And, through the process
of literature review, future publications will be regulated and kept
within the boundaries of orthodoxy. There is not sufficient reason to
conclude that there is a well orchestrated conspiracy on the part of
the Baha'i Administration, in which these three practices are
coordinated to completely overhaul the history of the movement. But,
it is safe to conclude that, since the Baha'i Faith began spreading
westward at the turn of the century, there has been a tendency on the
part of Baha'i individuals and institutions to distort or suppress
historical data. And, unless Baha'is are granted more freedom in
expressing their views and more pressure is placed upon the Baha'i
Administration through the research, concern and efforts of those
outside the Faith, there is no reason to believe that this ongoing
revision and rewriting will cease in the near future .
Appendix
The tables below represent a survey of some of the major changes made
in selected books, between their original publication and later
editions, which were written by Baha'i authors during the 20th
century. A major change is considered to be a revision which reflects
a change in Western Baha'i doctrine, practice or attitude toward a
particular subject since the early 1900's. It should be noted however,
that there have been literally hundreds of changes made in the few
books examined to date
Baha'u'llah and the New Era by John E. Esselmont
Edition and Page Number
Synopsis
1923 / 1980
8 / xiv
Esselmont expressed his gratitude to the Baha'i historian, Avarih, who
later left the faith and was declared a Covenant-breaker. This
reference was completely removed.
13 / 14
"Miracles" were discussed which were intended to show how civilization
has advanced since the nineteenth century. Some of these "miracles"
have reversed and worsened since 1923. They have been edited from the
text.
22 / 13
The apostate Avarih was quoted, but his name has been replaced by "a
historian."
28 / 20
In the original, Esselmont's remarks seem to indicate that the Bab was
merely a forerunner to Baha'u'llah, a view which was quite common at
the beginning of this century. Later editions reflect the current
notion of the Bab and Baha'u'llah being the "Co-founders of their
Faith."
34 / 26
Avarih's material was dropped completely.
39 / 33
A quote of Avarih is left in the text, but his name was removed.
55-6 / 53-4
Avarih provided a lengthy description of the marriage of Abdu'l-Baha,
which remains in later editions with Avarih's name removed.
67-9 / 67-9
This is a very important change. Esselmont spoke of the unique station
of Abdu'l-Baha and stated that "whatever Abdu'l-Baha says or does is
to be accepted as of equal authority with the direct utterance of the
Manifestation." Further, he quoted Abdu'l-Baha to the effect that the
Bab was "the 'Promised Christ.'" Two pages have been completely
reworked. The institution of the Guardianship was introduced and the
views which Esselmont originally expressed are referred to as "naive
enthusiasm."
118 / 130
Baha'u'llah provided that Abdu'l-Baha would be the sole interpreter of
his writings and after him the International House of Justice, but
this has been changed to "the authorized interpreter." The institution
of the Guardianship was added in the 1937 edition (pg. 160) and it was
clearly stated that there would be "successive Guardians." However,
this section was changed again in the 1970 revision and refers only to
Shoghi Effendi as the Guardian, with no mention of succession.
123-4 / 135-7
Esselmont was present when Abdu'l-Baha specifically advocated a form
of constitutional monarchy under the heading "True Civilization." This
quotation has been dropped and replaced with two pages of general
material which merely says that there will be different types of
government under the Lesser Peace and the Most Great Peace.
146 / 165-6
Emphasis on the use of Esperanto as the universal language is played
down in later editions.
157-8 / 179-9
A detailed two page account of Spiritual Assemblies in Persia by Jinab-
i-Assad'llah Fadil Mazindarani has been replaced by an updated
description of functions.
161 / 186
Nineteen Day Feast was added.
190 / 218
The establishment of the League of Nations and reduction in armaments
were cited as "advances in fulfillment" of prophecies of world peace.
This statement has been removed.
203-4 / 235-7
Esselmont claimed that Baha'u'llah's words have a "creative power" and
he cited a number of specific advances as proof. He claimed that world
temperance was advancing, military dictatorships had fallen and will
not be revived, democracy was spreading, Esparanto was gaining
worldwide acceptance as a universal language, and the "emancipation of
the workers" was "steady and irresistible." This has been rewritten in
a more general fashion.
209-10 / 244-7
Under the heading of "Social Troubles After the War," Esselmont gave
an eyewitness account of some specific predictions by Abdu'l-Baha,
which did not take place. This section has been replaced by nearly
three pages of general information summing up Baha'u'llah's
proclamation.
211-12 / 249-50
Abdu'l-Baha was quoted, asserting that the Kingdom of God would be
established in this century along with world peace and a universal
language, specifically by 1957. This section has been replaced with
material by Abdu'l-Baha which speaks generally of the effect of the
Baha'i Faith on the world. It has been made to appear as if Esselmont
was referring to the progress of the movement at the one hundredth
anniversary of Baha'u'llah's declaration, or 1963. It is important to
note that this change was not made in the major revision in 1937, but
in the 1970 revision, after the events predicted did not take place.
215-6 / 253-4
Avarih's estimates of the number of Baha'is worldwide have been
replaced. It is interesting to note that it was the issue of
dishonesty in the Baha'i administration over the numerical success of
the movement, which Avarih cited as his reason for leaving the faith.
228-9 / 287
Esselmont supplied a bibliography for further study which included
books from a variety of authors, including Edward G. Browne. In the
1937 edition it was removed completely, but a new list of references
is included at the end of later editions. Although, Browne's material
remains in the text, his work is missing from the latest bibliography.
All Things Made New by John Ferraby
Edition and Page Number
Synopsis
1957 / 1987
5 / 7
Ferraby dedicated his book to "The First Guardian of the Baha'i
Faith." In the later edition, Ferraby's dedication is to "The
Guardian." This is the first of many changes concerning the perpetuity
and indispensable nature of the Guardianship.
27-8 / 27-8
Ferraby originally stated that the Guardianship was to be perpetual,
but this section has been reworked, explaining that another Guardian
could not be appointed since none were qualified. All references to
the duties of the Guardian were in the present tense, but have been
changed to the past tense, indicating that the Guardianship has
ceased.
64 / 67
Islam was said to be declining in influence and power in the world and
that this trend will continue. Because of events in the Middle East
during the past two decades, this section has been rewritten, shifting
the emphasis to a decline in Islam's spirituality and reputation in
the world.
246-7 / 252-3
In the original edition, Ferraby quoted the Will of Abdu'l-Baha and
demonstrated that the Cause would continue to have a visible Centre
through the institution of successive Guardians. He referred to this
as "a Covenant so mighty that mankind has never seen its like."
However, this section has been completely rewritten, stating that the
Will only provided for the "possibility" for a succession of Guardians
and that the writings nowhere "promise or guarantee" that the
institution would continue. The Universal House of Justice is now
presented as the "visible centre."
250-5 / 256-61
The Will of Abdu'l-Baha and the Covenant were discussed. References to
the Guardian have been replaced or amended with "the Universal House
of Justice."
256-62 / 262-72
This section has undergone major revision with the addition of
hundreds of words. References to the Guardianship have been changed to
the past tense or have been replaced with "the Universal House of
Justice."
272-4 / 288-90
Ferraby extolled the virtues of the Baha'i Administrative Order and
cited evidences of its superiority over concepts of authority in
Christianity and Islam. Because of the unexpected death of Shoghi
Effendi, this information was modified to a great extent, with the
notion of the hereditary Guardianship being played down.
279 / 295
Baha'i burial customs were discussed and Ferraby's statement that
"Cremation is forbidden, because the too sudden disintegration of the
body may harm the departed soul" has been replaced with a statement by
Abdu'l-Baha.
308-12 / 326-31
A number of books have been dropped from Ferraby's bibliography,
including those written by Edward G. Browne. References to Browne's
works still appear in the text of later editions, but the notes refer
the reader to books by other Baha'i authors who also quote Browne. Two
of the Baha'i books referred to also contain material which is
critical of Browne, so these revisions were apparently made to divert
the reader from the primary sources, which contain material that is at
variance with orthodox versions of the history of the movement.
Christ and Baha'u'llah by George Townshend
Edition and Page Number
Synopsis
1957 / 1985
79 / 79
Townshend originally referred to Shoghi Effendi as the "first and
present Guardian," but this phrase has been dropped.
98-9 / 98-9
Townshend discussed the Will and Testament of Abdu'l-Baha and the
provision for a succession of Guardians. The succession principle has
been dropped and Shoghi Effendi is no longer spoken of as "the first
Guardian."
100-1 / 100-1
This section dealt with "the lineage of succeeding Guardians," but it
has been changed so it appears that Townshend is writing about
"divinely guided institutions" in general.
Selected Writings of Shoghi Effendi by Shoghi Effendi
Edition and Page Number
Synopsis
1942 / 1975
3 - 5 / vii
The original edition began with nearly three pages of excerpts from
Abdu'l-Baha's Will and Testament, in which he commanded his followers
to "turn unto Shoghi Effendi...." This has been reduced in the 1975
edition to two paragraphs with statements concerning hereditary
succession of the Guardianship and the role of the Guardian as the
Head of the Universal House of Justice replaced with ellipses.
10 / 4
Two paragraphs have been removed, one of which deals mainly with
outdated statistics concerning the growth of the Faith. The other is
an assertion by Shoghi Effendi that he was "appointed as First
Guardian of the Baha'i Faith and Head of the Universal House of
Justice...."
27-8 / 19
A paragraph has been removed which described the Administrative Order
as "the framework of the Will [of Abdu'l-Baha] itself, the inviolable
stronghold...."
43-5 / 32
Two full pages have been removed, which formed an apologetic for the
functions, the centrality, and the absolutely essential position of
the Guardianship in Baha'u'llah's World Order.
Footnotes
1 Edward G. Browne, trans., A Traveller's Narrative Written to
Illustrate the Episode of the Bab (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1891) x-xi.
2 Edward G. Browne, ed., Kitab-i Nuqtatu'l-Kaf being the Earliest
History of the Babis compiled by Hajji Mirza Jani of Kashan between
the years A.D. 1850 and 1852, edited from the unique Paris ms. suppl.
Persan 1071 (London: Luzac and Co., 1910) xxxv.
3 Edward G. Browne, Materials for the Study of the Babi Religion, 2nd
ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961) xxii-xxiv.
4 William M. Miller, The Baha'i Faith: Its History and Teachings, 2nd
ed. (Pasadena: William Carey Library, 1984); Samuel G. Wilson,
Bahai'sm and Its Claims: A Study of the Religion Promulgated by
Baha'u'llah and Abdu'l-Baha (New York: Fleming H. Revell Company,
1915).
5 Denis MacEoin, "From Babism to Baha'ism: Problems of Militancy,
Quietism, and Conflation in the Construction of a Religion," Religion
13 (1983). In response to MacEoin's views on this issue see, Muhammad
Afnan and William S. Hatcher,"Note on MacEoin's 'Baha'i
Fundamentalism,'" Religion 16 (1986) 187-92 and The Baha'i Faith and
Its Critics, unpublished manuscript. Baha'i scholar Stephen Lambden
has referred to Afnan and Hatcher's works as "interesting though
academically inadequate responses" in his article "Some Thoughts on
the Establishment of a Permanent Baha'i Studies Center and Research
Institute," dialogue vol. II, no. 2/3 (1988) 34.
6 Hasan M. Balyuzi, Edward Granville Browne and the Baha'i Faith
(Oxford: George Ronald , 1970); William S. Hatcher and J. Douglas
Martin, The Baha'i Faith:The Emerging Global Religion (San Francisco:
Harper and Row, 1985) 207-11; Douglas Martin, "The Missionary as
Historian: William Miller and the Baha'i Faith," World Order Volume
10, Number 3 (1976) 46-8.
7 For an appreciation of the issues, the obstacles and the scope of
this problem see, Hasan M. Balyuzi, Edward Granville Browne ; Abbas
Amanat, Resurrection and Renewal: The Making of the Babi Movement in
Iran, 1844-1850 (Ithica: Cornell University Press, 1989) 422-40; Peter
Smith, The Babi and Baha'i Religions: From Messianic Shi'ism to a
World Religion (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987) 225-9;
Dennis MacEoin, "Baha'ism", A Handbook of Living Religions edited by
John R. Hinnells, (New York: Viking, 1984) 476-8 & 483-5; Denis
MacEoin, "Baha'i Fundamentalism and the Academic Study of the Babi
Movement," Religion 16 (1986), 59, 60. William S. Hatcher and J.
Douglas Martin, The Baha'i Faith 207-11; Muhammad Afnan and William S.
Hatcher, "Western Islamic Scholarship and Baha'i Origins," Religion 15
(1985) 29 & 30; Muhammad Afnan and William S. Hatcher, "Note on
MacEoin's 'Baha'i Fundamentalism'" Religion 16 (1986) 191; Denis
MacEoin, "Afnan, Hatcher and an Old Bone," Religion 16 (1986) 195.
8 Many of these books and articles have been cited throughout this
paper. Mention should also be made of the commendable efforts of
dialogue magazine and Kalimat Press of Los Angeles to encourage sound
Baha'i scholarship.
9 John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era, 5th rev. ed.
(Wilmette: Baha'i Publishing Trust,1980) 20; Jessyca R. Gaver, The
Baha'i Faith (New York: Award Books, 1967) 49-50; H.M. Balyuzi, The
Bab:The Herald of the Day of Days (Oxford: George Ronald, 1973) 191;
John Ferraby, All Things Made New, 2nd. rev. ed. (London: Baha'i
Publishing Trust, 1987) 20; Phillip Smith, "What Was A Baha'i?
Concerns of British Baha'is, 1900-1920," ed. Moojan Momen , Studies In
the Babi and Baha'i Religions: Studies in Honor of the Late Hasan M.
Balyuzi (Los Angeles: Kalimat Press, 1988) 224-5 & 228.
10 Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By, 5th ed. (Wilmette: Baha'i Publishing
Trust, 1965) xiii-xiv; Abbas Amanat, Resurrection and Renewal 414-5;
Peter Smith, The Babi and Baha'i Religions 115.
11 Denis MacEoin, "Babism to Baha'ism".
12 John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era, 170.
13 Denis MacEoin, "The Babi Concept of Holy War", Religion 12 (1982)
101-9; Mangol Bayat, Mysticism and Dissent: Socioreligious Thought in
Qajar Iran (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1982) 94-7; Abbas
Amanat, Resurrection and Renewal 377-83.
14 John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era 20.
15 William S. Hatcher and J. Douglas Martin, The Baha'i Faith dust
jacket notes and Preface.
16 William S. Hatcher and J. Douglas Martin, The Baha'i Faith 7 & 8.
17 William S. Hatcher and J. Douglas Martin, The Baha'i Faith 13. See
also, Muhammad Afnan and William S. Hatcher, "Western Islamic
Scholarship" 40-1.
18 Abbas Amanat, Resurrection and Renewal 172-3; John Ferraby, All
Things Made New 202-3.
19 Denis MacEoin, "Holy War" 107-9; See also Abbas Amanat,
Resurrection and Renewal 377-83.
20 William S. Hatcher and J. Douglas Martin, The Baha'i Faith 13, 14.
21 Denis MacEoin, "Holy War" 107-8.
22 Denis MacEoin, "Baha'i Fundamentalism" 72.
23 Peter Smith, The Babi and Baha'i Religions 34.
24 William S. Hatcher and J. Douglas Martin, The Baha'i Faith 15.
25 Shoghi Effendi, The Promised Day Is Come, 3rd. rev. ed. (Wilmette:
Baha'i Publishing Trust, 1980) v-vii.
26 John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era; Gloria Faizi, The
Baha'i Faith: An Introduction, 4th ed. (Wilmette: Baha'i Publishing
Trust, 1978); Jessyca R. Gaver, The Baha'i Faith.
27 George Townshend, Christ and Baha'u'llah, 7th rev. ed. (Oxford:
George Ronald, 1985) 66.
28 William S. Hatcher and J. Douglas Martin, The Baha'i Faith 16.
29 William S. Hatcher and J. Douglas Martin, The Baha'i Faith 16.
30 Peter Smith, The Babi and Baha'i Religions 26-7. Although Smith
maintains that jihad and martyrdom play a crucial role in the Babi
actions at Shaykh Tabarsi, he is not convinced that the incident was
part of a highly organized insurrection. Rather, "Babi radicalism and
militancy" were "part of a developing and interactive process." See,
Peter Smith and Moojan Momen, "The Babi Movement: A Resource
Mobilization Perspective," Studies in Babi and Baha'i History:In Iran
(Los Angeles: Kalimat Press, 1986) 43-7 & 79-82; Peter Smith,
"Millennialism in the Babi and Baha'i Religions," ed. Roy Wallis,
Millennialism and Charisma (Belfast: The Queen's University, 1982) 244
& 246.
31 Abbas Amanat, Resurrection and Renewal 379; See also, Denis
MacEoin, "Holy War" 114; Mangol Bayat, Mysticism and Dissent 96-98;
Moojan Momen, "The Social Basis of the Babi Upheavals in Iran
(1848-53): A Preliminary Analysis," International Journal of Middle
East Studies 15 (1983) 160; Edward G. Browne, trans., The Tarikh-i-
Jadid or New History of Mirza Ali Muhammad The Bab by Mirza Huseyn of
Hamadan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1893) 43.
32 Moojan Momen, "Babi Upheavals" 157,160 & 161; Nabil, The Dawn-
Breakers, trans. Shoghi Effendi, 2nd. British ed. (London: Baha'i
Publishing Trust, 1975) 235-7; H.M. Balyuzi, The Bab 171, 172 & 176;
Denis MacEoin, "Holy War" 114.
33 Moojan Momen, An Introduction to Shi'i Islam (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1985) 166-71; Peter Smith, "Millennialism" 242-43.
34 Nabil, The Dawn-Breakers 237; See also, Edward G. Browne, The
Tarikh-i-Jadid 44, 46-8, 55.
35 Samuel G. Wilson, "The Bayan of the Bab," Princeton Theological
Revue, vol. 13 (1915) 653; Edward G. Browne, Selections From the
Writings of E. G. Browne on the Babi and Baha'i Religions, ed. Moojan
Momen (Oxford: George Ronald, 1987) 388; Edward G. Browne , Kitab-i
Nuqtatu'l-Kaf LVI; Denis MacEoin, "Baha'i Fundamentalism" 70.
36 Denis MacEoin, "Holy War" 116.
37 Denis MacEoin, "Baha'i Fundamentalism" 79; Mangol Bayat, Mysticism
and Dissent 120; Edward G. Browne, The Tarikh-i-Jadid 66-74.
38 Mangol Bayat, Mysticism and Dissent 119; Nabil, The Dawn-Breakers
255-57 & 273.
39 Moojan Momen, "Babi Upheavals" 161-66; Abbas Amanat, Resurrection
and Renewal 358-9.
40 Denis MacEoin, "Baha'i Fundamentalism" 62.
41 John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era vii, xi.
42 Muhammad Afnan and William S. Hatcher, "Note" 191.
43 Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By; Nabil, The Dawn-Breakers.
44 Hasan M. Balyuzi, Edward Granville Browne ; William S. Hatcher and
J. Douglas Martin, The Baha'i Faith 207-11; Douglas Martin, "The
Missionary as Historian" 46-8.
45 John Ferraby, All Things Made New (London: George Allen & Unwin
Ltd., 1957) 308-9, 312.
46 John Ferraby, All Things Made New (1987) 326-8, 331.
47 John Esselmont, who was also appointed a "Hand of the Cause" after
his death in 1925, included a bibliography in the original edition of
Baha'u'llah and the New Era , for "students who wish to make a further
study." A Traveller's Narrative is included in this bibliography,
which was removed completely in the 1937 edition. A list of "Basic
References" appears in the 1980 edition, replacing the original
bibliography, and Browne's work is no longer included, although his
material still appears as part of the text. See, John E. Esselmont,
Baha'u'llah and the New Era, 1st rev. ed., (London: George Allen &
Unwin Ltd., 1937); John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era
(1980) 14, 39, 40, 117, 118 & 287.
48 William M. Miller, The Baha'i Faith 218, 275, 289-90; Abbas Amanat,
Resurrection and Renewal 438; Ruhiyyih Rabbani, Twenty-Five Years of
the Guardianship (Wilmette: Baha'i Publishing Committee, 1948) 21; As
a possible reference see, Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By 327.
49 National Teaching Committee of the National Spiritual Assembly of
the Baha'is of the United States, The Covenant: Its Meaning and Origin
and Our Attitude Toward It (Wilmette: The National Spiritual Assembly
of the Baha'is of the United States, 1988) 71-73.
50 John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1923) 8.
51 John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1937) viii; John E.
Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1980) xiv.
52 John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1980) 33.
53 John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1980) 13.
54 John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1980) 53.
55 John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1937) v-vi.
56 John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1923) 7, 8; Wendi
Momen, ed., A Basic Baha'i Dictionary (Oxford: George Ronald,1989) 81.
57 The reason which is often given for the removal of these eyewitness
accounts is that they are derived from "pilgrim's notes" or the
personal journals of early converts and are not considered to be
authoritative. However, Baha'u'llah and the New Era has never been
considered to be an authoritative history, but only Esselmont's
personal understanding of the Baha'i Faith. Therefore, his
reminiscences are valuable for the light which they shed on the first
Western believer's thoughts of their Master and his teachings.
Although most of these references have been removed, there are still a
number of excerpts from pilgrim's notes which remain in later
editions.
58 John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1923) 123-4; John
E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1937) 167-70; John E.
Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1980) 135-7. In another
section, Abdu'l-Baha discussed post-war social problems such as
nationalism, labor troubles, and the probability of future wars.
Again, his specific treatment of issues was replaced by pages of
general material which add nothing to Esselmont's thesis. See, John E.
Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1923) 209-11; John E.
Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1937) 297-301; John E.
Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1980) 244-8.
59 The title of the chapter is "Prophecies of Baha'u'llah and Abdu'l-
Baha." John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1923) 202.
60 John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1923) 212; This
revision was first brought to light by, Francis J. Beckwith, Baha'i
(Minneapolis: Bethany House Publishers, 1985) 37-9.
61 John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1980) 249.
62 John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1980) 250.
63 Wendi Momen, A Basic Baha'i Dictionary 64.
64 John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1923) 212.
65 John E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1937) 301-3; John
E. Esselmont, Baha'u'llah and the New Era (1980) xi.
66 Shoghi Effendi, The Promised Day Is Come 121; Shoghi Effendi, rev.
ed., The World Order of Baha'u'llah (Wilmette: Baha'i Publishing
Trust, 1955) 39; Phillip Smith, "What Was A Baha'i?" 239.
67 Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Baha'u'llah 147-52; Peter Smith,
The Babi and Baha'i Religions 115-6; Wendi Momen, A Basic Baha'i
Dictionary 92-3.
68 Peter Smith, The Babi and Baha'i Religions 128-32; Wendi Momen, A
Basic Baha'i Dictionary 96; Dennis MacEoin, "Baha'ism" 483. The only
real challenge to the actions by the Hands of the Cause came from
Mason Remey, himself a Hand of the Cause. He claimed to be the second
Guardian by virtue of his appointment as president of the
International Baha'i Council by Shoghi Effendi. For further
information on Remey and his claims see, William M. Miller, The Baha'i
Faith 310-22; Joel Bjorling, The Baha'i Faith: A Historical
Bibliography (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1985) 134-39.
69 John Ferraby, All Things Made New (1957) 5.
70 John Ferraby, All Things Made New (1987) 7.
71 John Ferraby, All Things Made New (1957) 246-7.
72 John Ferraby, All Things Made New (1987) 252-3.
73 George Townshend, Christ and Baha'u'llah ( London: George Ronald,
1957) 100-1.
74 John Ferraby, All Things Made New (1987) 100-1
75 Ruhiyyih Rabbani, Guardianship 23; For other remarks which reflect
the perpetual nature of the Guardianship see, 4, 6, 24, 25 & 26. See
also, Horace Holley, Present-Day Administration of the Baha'i Faith
(Wilmette: Baha'i Publishing Committee, 1947) 2 & 3; H. M. Balyuzi, A
Guide to the Administrative Order of Baha'u'llah, 2nd. ed. (London:
Baha'i Publishing Trust, 1947) 5-7.
76 Ruhiyyih Rabbani, Guardianship 23; Wendi Momen, A Basic Baha'i
Dictionary 92; Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Baha'u'llah 149-50.
77 Shoghi Effendi, Selected Writings of Shoghi Effendi: Guardian of
the Baha'i Faith (Wilmette: Baha'i Publishing Committee, 1942) 3-5;
Shoghi Effendi, Selected Writings of Shoghi Effendi, rev. ed.
(Wilmette: Baha'i Publishing Trust,1975) vii.
78 Shoghi Effendi, Selected Writings (1942) 43-4; Shoghi Effendi,
Selected Writings (1975) 32.
79 Review Procedure, unpublished information dated April 24, 1990 from
the Research Office at the Baha'i National Center Wilmette, IL: 2.
80 Denis MacEoin, "Old Bone," 194.
81 Review Procedure 2.
82 Review Procedure 2; The Manuscript Ratings System, unpublished
information dated April 24, 1990 from the Research Office at the
Baha'i National Center, Wilmette, IL: 1; Denis MacEoin, "Old
Bone,"195.
83 Denis MacEoin, "Baha'i Fundamentalism" 61 & 62 and "Old Bone,"
194-95.
84 Ustad Muhammad Ali Salmani, My Memories of Baha'u'llah, trans.
Marzieh Gail (Los Angeles: Kalimat Press, 1982).
85 Letter of the Universal House of Justice to Mr. Juan Ricardo Cole,
2 December 1982, in Baha'i Studies Bulletin 1:4 ( March, 1983) 89,
cited in Denis MacEoin, "Baha'i Fundamentalism" 62.
86 Letter of the Universal House of Justice to Kalimat Press, 2
December 1982, in Baha'i Studies Bulletin 1:4 ( March, 1983) 89, cited
in Denis MacEoin, "Baha'i Fundamentalism" 62.